The "No Limits" Partnership: Cracks Beneath the Surface?

 


The "No Limits" Partnership: Cracks Beneath the Surface?

The announcement of a "no limits" partnership between Russia and China in February 2022, shortly before Russia's full invasion of Ukraine, presented a global signal of deepening alignment between two major powers aiming to challenge the existing world order. This declaration, reinforced by frequent statements from leaders Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin, depicted unwavering unity. However, examining their interactions since the Ukraine war began reveals subtle indications and rumors of potential friction behind their public pronouncements. For the United States, understanding the true nature and strength of this partnership is vital due to its significant impact on international power dynamics and the complex challenges from both Moscow and Beijing. While the official narrative stresses unbreakable bonds, a more detailed analysis suggests the "no limits" claim might be a strategic posture based on mutual interest rather than absolute, seamless alignment. The timing itself, just before a major Russian military conflict, raises questions about China's foreknowledge and true commitment to the Kremlin's plans. Furthermore, the repeated public assertions of their strong bond by both nations could subtly hint at underlying anxieties or a strategic need to project unity that may not fully match the complexities of their evolving relationship.

Central Asia: A Region of Quiet Competition?

Since the Ukraine conflict started, China has significantly increased its economic and diplomatic activities in the Central Asian republics (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan). Beijing's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) remains central, funneling large infrastructure investments and promoting economic integration. This is evident in growing trade volumes; for example, China-Kazakhstan trade tripled between early 2016 and mid-2022. Diplomatically, China has become more assertive, establishing an independent China-Central Asia summit. This move might be seen as potentially sidelining the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), where Russia historically held significant influence. China's expanding economic dominance in Central Asia is undeniable and likely to grow, especially with Russia heavily focused on the Ukraine war. This economic shift creates a power imbalance in a region Moscow traditionally views as its strategic backyard.

Russia historically perceived Central Asia as its exclusive sphere of influence, particularly in security and politics. Although Moscow officially seeks to "harmonize" its Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) with China's BRI, underlying tensions exist. Russia exhibits apprehension about being overshadowed by China's economic strength and losing its regional primacy. Some analysts believe the development of the Middle Corridor trade route, bypassing Russia, could disadvantage Moscow economically. Moreover, Russia's reliability as a security guarantor is questioned due to its military struggles in Ukraine. Central Asian states are diversifying security partnerships, turning towards China and Turkey. Complicating matters, nationalist rhetoric from some Russian figures claiming "historic Russian lands" in Central Asia, notably Kazakhstan, has caused regional unease. This prompted China to publicly support the territorial integrity of these nations. Despite apparent cooperation in forums like the SCO, China's assertiveness, shown by the independent summit, suggests potential divergence in long-term interests. Russia may privately resent China's expanding influence but likely feels compelled to accept it due to its current dependence on Beijing, stemming from economic vulnerabilities (Western sanctions) and military setbacks. China's growing influence is evidenced by increased trade, BRI projects, the independent summit, support for sovereignty, growing security cooperation (including a military presence in Tajikistan), and backing for the Russia-bypassing Middle Corridor.

Unequal Benefits in Bilateral Trade

The Russia-China economic relationship features growing asymmetry, with Russia mainly supplying raw materials (oil, gas, minerals, timber). China, in return, exports manufactured goods, technology, and vehicles. This pattern isn't new; Russia's exports to China have historically been undiversified raw materials. China has become Russia's top trading partner, giving it significant leverage, whereas Russia is a relatively minor partner for China. Following extensive Western sanctions on Russia over Ukraine, China capitalized on Moscow's isolation. Beijing became a critical trading partner, filling the gap left by Western firms and supplying essential goods. This deepening economic imbalance gives China considerable leverage, especially as Russia's access to Western markets is limited.

Russia's disadvantage is amplified by China purchasing Russian energy at significant discounts compared to former European prices (e.g., 16-17% discount on crude oil in 2022). The crucial Power of Siberia 2 gas pipeline project faces delays, largely due to China negotiating favorable pricing, highlighting Beijing's dominant position. Russia increasingly uses the Chinese Yuan for foreign trade settlements, indicating growing dependence. While helping bypass sanctions, this exposes Russia to vulnerabilities related to China's economy and financial policies. Reports mention liquidity crises in Russia due to high Yuan demand and temporary transaction halts by Chinese banks disrupting trade. Consequently, anxiety is reportedly rising in Russia about becoming economically subordinate to China. Although bilateral trade hit record highs (over $240 billion in 2023), China's export growth to Russia outpaced Russian exports to China, narrowing Russia's trade surplus ($110 billion vs. $129 billion in 2023). Trend data for 2024 suggests China's exports grew faster (4.7%) than its imports from Russia (1.1%) in the first ten months, pointing towards China becoming an even more dominant supplier. Russia's strategic "pivot to the East" has effectively become a "turn towards China," leaving Moscow few alternatives if the relationship sours. This over-reliance could be a source of latent tension within the Russian establishment. The increased Yuan usage is stark: 35.8% of Russia's foreign trade was in Yuan by December 2023, up from 0.4% before the war. This data highlights China's growing role in providing vital manufactured goods (vehicles, tech) to Russia, solidifying its economic advantage.

Military Support: More Rhetoric Than Reality?

Western intelligence generally agrees that China has avoided providing direct lethal military aid to Russia for the Ukraine war. The US stated it hasn't seen systematic Chinese efforts to evade sanctions via direct military support, though concerns existed early in the conflict. China's apparent hesitation to offer direct military assistance, despite the "no limits" partnership, could be a significant friction point. Given Russia's battlefield difficulties and isolation, the Kremlin might have expected stronger military backing.

However, US intelligence reports a surge in China's sales of dual-use equipment to Russia, including machine tools, microelectronics, UAV components, and nitrocellulose used in weapon production. There are also reports of Chinese and Russian entities collaborating on joint UAV production inside Russia and Chinese firms supplying critical optical components for Russian tanks and armored vehicles. Beyond materials, China provides significant economic and diplomatic support, amplifying pro-Russian narratives about the war's origins and progress, and consistently refusing to label Russia the aggressor. While dual-use support aids Russia's defense industry without crossing potential Western red lines for direct military intervention, it might still fall short of Russian expectations, causing subtle dissatisfaction.

Beyond Ukraine, China and Russia continue routine military cooperation, including joint exercises in strategic areas (East China Sea, South China Sea, Sea of Japan) and collaboration on missile warning systems and space technology. Despite increasing joint activities, interoperability between their militaries remains limited. These cooperative efforts project unity but also highlight inherent limitations and a potential senior-junior dynamic. Russia, facing technological and economic constraints, might need China's resources for military modernization more than China needs Russia's.

Diplomatic Discord: Subtle Differences in the Global Arena

Although both Russia and China consistently blame the US and NATO for the Ukraine conflict, subtle but important differences exist in their diplomatic approaches. Russian President Putin publicly acknowledged that Chinese leader Xi Jinping expressed "concerns" and "questions" about Ukraine. This rare admission suggests underlying friction or differing perspectives despite public unity. China, unlike Russia, consistently affirms Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity and hasn't recognized Russia's annexations. China has positioned itself as a neutral peace broker, calling for respect for all states' territorial integrity. This stance, while not condemning Russia, clearly diverges from Moscow's actions. China has also adopted a more sympathetic tone towards Europe, framing it as a victim of US strategy and encouraging EU strategic autonomy, contrasting sharply with Russia's hostile rhetoric towards Europe. Reports suggest Xi Jinping privately warned Russia against using nuclear weapons, indicating a significant divergence in strategic thinking. Despite shared narratives on the conflict's roots, China's emphasis on sovereignty, its desire for a de-escalation role, and discomfort with Russia's extreme threats reveal differing priorities and potential unease with Russia's aggression. China's global image and economic ties with Europe likely demand a more nuanced approach than Russia's outright hostility.

Central Asia is another potential friction area. While both aim to limit US influence, their long-term visions differ. China focuses on economic integration via BRI, while Russia seeks to maintain traditional security/political dominance. Some view the BRI's launch partly as a response to earlier Russian attempts to limit Chinese economic activity within the SCO framework. Russia's promotion of its Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP) is seen by some as a symbolic counter to the BRI, hinting at underlying competition despite official cooperation. Even with the shared goal of reducing US influence, China's economic power versus Russia's diminishing capacity could cause future tensions over the regional power balance. While currently cooperating on security and infrastructure, their disparate economic strength and distinct long-term goals could become sources of friction as China's influence grows.

The Arctic is another area of non-alignment. Russia historically views the Arctic as its exclusive, strategically vital sphere. China, however, designates the Arctic part of its Polar Silk Road, signaling interest in shipping lanes and resources. While Russia needs Chinese capital for Arctic energy projects, Moscow is wary of China's growing presence. A fundamental disagreement on multilateral versus state-centric approaches hinders deeper Sino-Russian cooperation there. Despite high-level commitments, differing priorities and Russia's sensitivity about Arctic control could limit their partnership in the region. Russia's core Arctic interests clash with China's global ambitions, potentially creating long-term contention.

Long-Term Viability: Cracks Beneath the Surface?

A key factor affecting the partnership's long-term sustainability is the widening power gap between a rising China and a Russia weakened by the Ukraine war and sanctions. Some analysts argue this asymmetry could lead to Russia becoming China's subordinate partner. This imbalance risks fostering resentment and instability, as Russia might feel overly dependent and marginalized. History shows great power partnerships are often strained by shifts in relative power. The current trajectory suggests a growing power gap could stress their "no limits" alignment.

While both challenge the US-led order, their long-term national interests may diverge. China, with its vast economy, values international stability for growth. Russia, under current leadership, shows more willingness to disrupt the status quo for geopolitical gains. China's primary strategic focus is East Asia (including Taiwan), while Russia's centers on Europe and its neighbors. These fundamental differences in priorities and approaches could become more pronounced over time. As geopolitics evolve, diverging interests might lead to disagreements, limiting long-term cooperation. Their current alignment, driven by shared opposition to the US, might face challenges as individual national imperatives diverge.

It's vital to recall the long, complex history between China and Russia, marked by both collaboration and intense rivalry, distrust, and conflict. While current leaders foster closeness, historical baggage and latent suspicions could resurface. Competition for influence in regions like Central Asia is a recurring theme. Though the present climate encourages ties, inherent historical tensions might persist and could be exploited by external factors or shifts in the international landscape. Past conflicts remind us the current partnership isn't immune to the dynamics of great power relations.

Whispers of Friction: Unconfirmed Reports and Expert Speculation

While official statements emphasize strength, some expert analysis suggests a more complex reality with underlying tensions, mistrust, and competing interests. Analysts point to Chinese concerns about Russia's long-term economic resilience and military effectiveness shown in Ukraine. Conversely, reports indicate Russian doubts about Chinese goods' quality and anxiety over becoming economically subordinate to China. A Filter Labs report suggests the Russia-China "axis" is "infused with doubt, ripe for disruption," arguing sanctions on Russia created friction. These assessments suggest the partnership's monolithic unity might mask internal contradictions.

Adding to this is Putin's public acknowledgment of Xi Jinping's "concerns" and "questions" about Ukraine. This admission in September 2022, after Russian military setbacks, is interpreted as a subtle sign of disagreement or differing perspectives. It hints at private discussions where China might have conveyed reservations about the war's trajectory and implications for its own interests. Such a public acknowledgment from Putin suggests the issues raised were significant. Broader media observations sometimes allude to subtle disagreements or lack of seamless coordination. Nuanced wording or delays in joint statements on sensitive topics could also indicate underlying differences. While hard to substantiate definitively, these contribute to a sense that the partnership might not be as harmonious as portrayed. The complexities between two major powers suggest subtle frictions likely exist beneath the surface of public solidarity.

Assessing the Resilience of the Russia-China Partnership

Synthesizing the evidence presents a complex view. While the public narrative stresses a strong "no limits" alignment, closer examination reveals subtle signs of friction. Key tension areas include China's growing dominance in Central Asia, the asymmetrical bilateral economy favoring Beijing, limited direct Chinese military support for Russia's war, and differing diplomatic stances. Long-term factors like the widening power imbalance, diverging national interests, and complex history could also limit the partnership's depth and resilience.

Despite potential friction, the partnership will likely persist in the short-to-medium term. Their shared strategic interest in countering US influence provides strong motivation for cooperation. However, the relationship's inherent asymmetry, distinct national interests, and history suggest viewing the "no limits" declaration cautiously. The partnership isn't monolithic; understanding its fault lines is crucial for effective US foreign policy. A realistic assessment needs to acknowledge both strengths and potential weaknesses. Focusing solely on the "no limits" narrative risks missing opportunities to understand and potentially exploit the complexities within this significant partnership.


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